We are a top law firm known for delivering consistently high-quality legal services across nearly every major area of law.
Who We Are
Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, SAN & Co. is a powerhouse of professional legal experts and result-oriented workforce that are tailored to deliver valuable legal solutions across all industries.
Meet the Team
Our firm is renowned for combining deep legal expertise with broader insights to handle complex cases, disputes, and regulatory challenges.
Practice Areas
Ours is "the absolute go to firm" for anything complex and time sensitive, a reputation born of deep bench strength and a unified culture of excellence.
Go To Pro Bono
Our Principal's corner is filled with educative and interesting knowledge-based sections that grant you access to his interviews, public lectures, articles while keeping you informed of the law and your legal right.
ExploreEbun-Olu Adegboruwa, SAN & Company is a dynamic Law firm of astute legal practitioners experienced in different fields of the Nigerian legal system.
Our firm is recognized for delivering forward thinking legal counsel, combining modern approaches with local insight to help clients seize business opportunities and navigate change with confidence. Sector expertise is central to our success.
Our lawyers possess deep knowledge of the industries in which our clients operate, enabling us to provide comprehensive advice grounded in real world understanding. For our clients, this translates into service enriched with an added dimension of value.
Our firm provides proactive, expert guidance on rights, responsibilities, and liabilities, helping you navigate contracts, reduce risks, and maintain compliance. Whether you’re growing an SME, safeguarding intellectual property, or resolving disputes, our tailored counsels deliver the clarity and confidence needed to make sound legal decisions.
We are renowned for providing clients with valuable solutions to intricate business and legal issues across various areas covering sectors such as banking & finance, intellectual property, tax, real estate, foreign investment, labour law, mergers and acquisitions etc...
We are a top law firm known for delivering consistently high-quality legal services across nearly every major area of law.
![]() |
Learned Expression
24th September, 2026 Policing a Federal Democracy (1)(Constitutional Principles and Institutional Safeguards for State Policing in Nigeria) FOREWORD Going by the express provisions of section 14 (2) (b) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, which states that the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government, the federal government of Nigeria, revived the debate over state police. This was one of the major campaign promises of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, as reflected in the now famous APC Manifesto. An executive bill submitted to the National Assembly has since been harmonised in apparent readiness for its consideration and passage by the houses of assembly of the States. Many Nigerians support community policing, when it is meant to involve the people at the grassroots in intelligence gathering and processing, working under established procedures and guidelines that are well structured and where roles, responsibilities and powers are properly defined and understood. Given the rising state of insecurity across the length and breadth of the land, a Presidential Working Group on the National Policing Bill has since been constituted to facilitate passage of the much-awaited state police bill, consisting of eminent personalities, experts and professionals. Civil Society Organisations and Governance Experts working on governance, human rights, security sector reform, democratic accountability and constitutional development in Nigeria have now submitted a Memorandum to the Presidential Working Group containing very insightful comments accompanied with a Draft Bill on National Policing, the main message being that the decentralisation of policing must not become decentralisation of impunity. Please permit me to share highlights of the said Memorandum with you all. Executive Summary Nigeria stands at a defining constitutional moment. The proposed establishment of State Police represents the most significant restructuring of Nigeria’s internal security architecture since the return to democratic governance in 1999. The passage of the Constitution Alteration (State Police) Bill and the inauguration of the Presidential Working Group on the National Policing Bill have moved the debate beyond the question of whether State Police should exist. The more pressing question now is how State Police should be designed, governed and regulated to strengthen public safety while preserving constitutional democracy, national cohesion and the rule of law. The Presidency has indicated that the forthcoming National Policing Bill will address issues including minimum policing standards, state readiness certification, federal-state coordination, accountability, human rights safeguards and fiscal conditions. This memorandum argues that the State Police debate is fundamentally a governance debate rather than merely a federalism debate. Nigeria’s security challenges are not solely the result of excessive centralisation. They are equally the product of weak institutions, inadequate accountability, poor police welfare, insufficient training, weak investigative capacity, ineffective oversight, corruption, declining public trust and political interference. Unless these underlying governance deficits are addressed, State Police may simply decentralise existing institutional weaknesses. The success of State Police will therefore depend less on where policing powers are located and more on the quality of institutions that govern the exercise of those powers. This memorandum proposes a constitutional and institutional framework for State Policing built around nine pillars: 1. Constitutional and Federal Design. 2. Guiding Principles for State Policing Reform. 3. Protection Against Political, Ethnic, Religious and Sectional Capture. 4. Governance, Oversight and Accountability. 5. Professional Recruitment, Vetting, Training and Doctrine. 6. Community-Centred Policing. 7. Human Rights and Democratic Safeguards. 8. Fiscal Sustainability, Weapons Management and State Readiness Certification. 9. Transition and Implementation Framework. Our central recommendation is straightforward: Nigeria should not merely create State Police. Nigeria should create constitutional institutions capable of governing State Police. Introduction: The State Police Debate Is Really a Governance Debate For decades, discussions about State Police in Nigeria have been framed primarily as debates about federalism. Proponents argue that a country as large and diverse as Nigeria requires policing institutions that are closer to communities and better able to address local security challenges. Opponents caution that State Police could become instruments of political repression in the hands of governors, particularly where institutional checks and balances remain weak. They fear that decentralising policing powers without adequate safeguards could deepen political intimidation, electoral manipulation and human rights abuses. Both positions contain important truths. Yet the central issue is not whether policing authority should reside in Abuja or in state capitals. The more fundamental question is whether Nigeria can design institutions capable of governing policing power responsibly, effectively and constitutionally wherever that power is located. The success of State Police will depend less on decentralisation itself and more on the constitutional safeguards, accountability mechanisms and professional standards established to govern it. Nigeria’s policing challenges are not solely products of excessive centralisation. They also reflect deeper governance weaknesses, including poor police welfare, inadequate training, weak investigative capacity, corruption, political interference, ineffective oversight and declining public trust. Establishing thirty-six additional police services without addressing these underlying weaknesses risks decentralising institutional dysfunction rather than improving public safety. International experience reinforces this lesson. Federal democracies such as Canada, Germany and Australia operate decentralised policing systems within constitutional frameworks that provide clear jurisdictional boundaries, independent oversight institutions and professional standards. Decentralisation succeeds because it is supported by strong governance institutions. Where such safeguards are weak, decentralised policing can become vulnerable to political capture, corruption and abuse of power. This reality is particularly important in Nigeria because police institutions exercise significant coercive powers, including arrest, detention, investigation and the lawful use of force. In a federation characterised by diversity and intense political competition, the State Police debate must extend beyond questions of constitutional restructuring to broader issues of accountability, inclusion, political neutrality and democratic governance. The National Policing Bill should therefore be viewed not merely as a security-sector reform but as a state-building initiative with profound implications for federalism, democracy, human rights and national cohesion. The objective is not simply to create State Police, but to establish a constitutional policing system that strengthens security, deepens democracy and ensures that the decentralisation of policing does not become the decentralisation of impunity. Ultimately, success will depend on the constitutional and institutional architecture established to govern policing power. I. Guiding Principles for State Policing Reform The debate on State Police has often focused on institutional structures, constitutional powers and operational arrangements. While these issues are important, institutional design alone cannot guarantee effective, accountable or democratic policing. The success of State Police will depend on the principles that guide its establishment, governance and operation. These principles should provide the normative foundation for constitutional provisions, legislation and administrative practice, ensuring that policing reform remains focused not merely on institutional form but on the public purposes policing is intended to serve. Subsidiarity Public responsibilities should be exercised at the lowest level capable of performing them effectively. Applied to policing, this means that security functions should be discharged as close as possible to affected communities, consistent with efficiency, accountability and national security. Local institutions are often better positioned to understand community dynamics, gather intelligence and respond to emerging threats. However, subsidiarity does not imply complete decentralisation. Threats such as terrorism, organised crime and transnational criminal activity require national coordination and capabilities. The objective should therefore be a policing architecture that allocates responsibilities to the most effective level while preserving federal coordination. Constitutionalism State Police must be firmly anchored in constitutionalism. Because policing institutions exercise significant coercive powers, including arrest, detention, investigation and the lawful use of force, they must remain subject to constitutional limits, judicial oversight and the rule of law. The objective is not merely to create new policing institutions but to ensure that policing authority is exercised within clearly defined legal boundaries and remains accountable to constitutional norms rather than political interests. Accountability The decentralisation of policing authority must be accompanied by the decentralisation of accountability. State Police cannot command public trust without effective oversight and redress mechanisms. Accountability should operate through legislative oversight, judicial review, independent complaints bodies, internal disciplinary systems, public reporting and citizen engagement. These mechanisms are essential not only for addressing misconduct but also for strengthening institutional performance and legitimacy. Inclusion Nigeria’s diversity requires inclusion to be a foundational principle of State Police reform. The legitimacy of policing institutions depends on whether citizens perceive them as fair, representative and impartial. Inclusion requires equitable opportunities in recruitment, promotion, deployment and leadership appointments, together with safeguards against ethnic, religious and other forms of discrimination. State Police should reflect the populations they serve and provide equal protection under the law to all communities. Professionalism The effectiveness of State Police will ultimately depend on the competence and integrity of its personnel. Recruitment, training, promotion and operational decision-making should be based on merit, professional standards and objective criteria rather than political patronage or sectional interests. Professional policing requires continuous investment in training, leadership development, technology and ethics, supported by a common doctrine that promotes impartiality, discipline and public service. |
![]() |
30th April, 2026 Constitution amendment: What NASS has done is mere tokenism -AdegboruwaA member of the Lagos Judicial Panel on Police Brutality during the #EndSARS protest, rights activist and Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Mr Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa speaks to DARE ADEKANMBI on the ongoing constitution amendment by the National Assembly, the presidential materials on offer and 2023 elections. The National Assembly members accepted some robust proposals concerning ongoing efforts at amending the 1999 Constitution. Are you happy about some of the accepted recommendations? I am not [happy] in any way at all. Why? What the National Assembly has done is mere tokenism. It is just scratching the surface of the real issues plaguing our country. We are not running a federation. It is unitary system of government that we have currently. It is not correct to just be handing over bits and pieces to the states, regions and local government councils, as if there is no equality of status. Power should go down to the owners, that is, the states, local government and the regions. The Federal Government has no business holding on to all the issues and items that bring money to the federation. The Federal Government should just be an administrative centre. So, all the things they voted upon have no relevance to our demand for true federalism. The APC, when it was canvassing for votes in 2015, promised devolution of powers and what we understood by that is that there will be resource control first. The regions that have the natural resources within their domains will be allowed considerable freedom. Osun and Zamfara states should be able to mine their gold; Ondo should be able to mine its oil and Oyo State should be allowed to take care of its cocoa, gold and everything that is there. The same thing should apply to the North where the northerners should be allowed the control of their natural resources and they pay royalty to the centre. None of these things has been tackled at all by the National Assembly. All this window-dressing of reforms does not make any impact on our demand for true federalism. Our lawmakers should summon the courage to address the yearnings of Nigerians so that the country can move forward. There reason there is corruption is that there is too much money at the federal level for which nothing is being done, no projects are being executed. Give the money to the owners so that people can take their destinies into their own hands and move the country forward. What the National Assembly is doing is not acceptable at all. Why can't we have state police? Who is scared? Look at the success of Amotekun in the South-West. Who is scared? But some Nigerians have applauded the removal of VAT from Exclusive List to the Concurrent List for states to also have power over this tax? That is why I called it tokenism. VAT is a value added tax, a product of certain events in terms of sales, commerce and consumption. Those are just paltry things. The main resource of the country is what each region has as an advantage. There is no reason for the Federal Government to be sitting on that. That is the core issue behind the clamour for devolution of power, resource control and independence for the states. What is the Fedral Government doing by legislating central admission to schools and education of children when our youths are suffering, no universities to admit them. Lawyers graduate from universities and can't go to law school because there is a central system of controlling those who get admission into law school. For God's sake, in 21 century? Why can't Rivers State build its own law school and all its citizens who graduate from its own university can go there and be trained? Why can't Lagos, Kano and other states have their own law schools? That is what is happening in the United States, United Kingdom and other jurisdictions. Why will children be writing a common examination called UTME in order to secure admission to universities and they are frustrating them every day. They said some states are educationally disadvantaged and somebody who passes on merit is asked to be on the waiting line for somebody who did not pass. In what sane society do you see such a thing? Do you see this tokenistic attempt, to use your phraseology, as a prelude to the clamour for restructuring because electricity, railway and other items are now on the Concurrent List? But this is not what the government promised us. I want to emphasise that when APC was canvassing for votes in order to displace the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), APC entered into a social contract with Nigerians for total devolution of powers by amending the constitution or writing a new constitution. In demonstration of that, the party set up a committee headed by the Kaduna State governor, Nasir el-Rufai on restructuring. Where is the report? Why are they scratching the surface? They know what Nigerians want which is restructuring and which was why we voted them into power. Why is APC chickening out now? That is the point I am making. There is no need for us to be dancing around and be doing a prelude. Let's go into the main action and let Nigeria move forward. Do you see the current National Assembly summoning the courage to go the whole hog of bringing about the fundamental changes required in the law for the good governance of the country? It is not about whether they have the courage, but whether they can continue like this for another time. There are so many of these people in the parliament in Abuja who can no longer go to their constituencies either for reason of insurgency, kidnapping or the poverty that has enveloped their constituencies. Many of them are sojourners in Abuja who are unable to relate with the people who voted for them. How long can they continue to pretend? This is what is at the core of the crisis in the country. No employment, mass poverty, no infrastructure and it is all because of corruption. The Federal Government is sitting on all the goldmine that makes this country Nigeria and somebody will sit in Abuja and be doing portfolio oil well and be selling oil through telephone. This is what is making Nigeria not to go forward. That is why we are saying we can't be scratching this thing on the surface and be giving us tokens. We want to go to the meat of the matter. Let there be true federalism or those who make peaceful change impossible will make violent change inevitable. This system will consume the parliamentarians themselves if they don't take the courage to do the needful. It is not about conducting elections in 2023. We must define the basis of our federalism. We must address the fundamental issue of resource management, political power. Let's go back to the Uwais Panel report. Let's go back to the 2014 National Conference report. Let's go back to the el-Rufai report. Why are they hiding these things? It is wickedness on the part of our leaders. If they don't summon the courage to do the needful, many of them will be swallowed over time by the crisis that they have imposed on the rest of us. Another general election is 11 months away. Do you see any fundamental change in the way Nigerians will vote? I think that what we have advocated is that the constitution recognizes zoning in Section 14 of the constitution which talks about not allowing a particular ethnic group or a particular set of people to be in dominance. You saw how it played out recently when the Minister of Education was asked at a press conference the reason for sustaining the cut off mark in Unity Schools and not allow merit to its place in admission to Unity Schools that belong to the federation. He said it is because of federal character which is being implemented to ensure that states which don't have enough students are allowed to be lifted above the rest. So, federal character is being implemented in favour of those particular states. Then, federal character should be implemented for political power. Otherwise, there is injustice. You can't be implementing the constitution to favour you in the areas where you have disadvantage and then you refuse to implement it in the areas where others have and want advantage. It will not be fair. It will not be fair if the region that has produced the president from 2015 to 2023 to still be contesting for the presidency. This will add to the crisis in the land. If you agree on a particular position for a particular region at a particular time, then you should let it cut across. So, the first thing is that there must be zoning. The president in 2023 should come from the Southern part of the country, whether it is South-East, South-South or South-West. That will be when we will know we are running a federation. If for any reason, either due to population or rigging or any misappropriation of political power, the presidency goes back to the same region where President Muhammadu Buhari comes from, then we will know there is no country. Democracy and election are numbers game. If the North votes more than we do in the South, then it means they will be right to have it. Then, education should also be by merit. If children sit for an examination and the only people that pass are from the South, then let them get admitted into all the schools in the country. Admission should also be by merit. If we want to use merit, let it be general. But they can't be implanting federal character to their own advantage and then sit on it when it comes to the turn of others. That is what I am saying. If you have population as an advantage and you want to be using it, then you must concede to those who have intellect as well so that when you take the benefit, you also take your own burden. Do you foresee a likely shift in paradigm in the way Southerners will vote in 2023 because the Northerners seem to have this huge political consciousness at election and this appears absent in the South? This is the reason we are Nigeria. It is possible for a particular section to have a consciousness in a particular area as their own advantage, just the same way in the South, here there is consciousness for education. Every average Southerner wants to go to school. It is possible that the average person in the North wants to go to the army or wants to go and collect PVC. Everybody has his own advantage. That is why we came together to say unity in progress. So, you can't use your consciousness for political power to dominate others who have consciousness for other things and you are not allowing them to use their consciousness to their advantage. So, it makes no sense to say because the Northerners have political consciousness, that puts them at an advantage to be ruling us forever. Other people have consciousness for other things and that consciousness has not enabled them to dominate those who don't have the consciousness. So, we are asking for a level-playing field. We can't claim that because of those who have consciousness to collect PVC to go and vote, others should wait forever. A number of people have been offering themselves as presidential materials, crisscrossing the country on consultations. When you look at those on the field now, any hope of a messiah emerging from among them? I honestly think our focus should be the system that will produce these people because once the system is proper, the constitution is properly drafted and the institutions are strengthened, it will be immaterial who gets to power. Everything [Donald] Trump did to frustrate the American election, the institutions of the country overpowered him because the system had been arranged to function at its optimal level. So, whether the individuals who are indicating to be president now have the capacity and understanding is really a function of the system that will produce them. My focus won't be on the individuals, but to ensure we structure our system in such a way that whoever emerges will follow the trend that Nigerians have outlined for their own prosperity. That is my own understanding. Once the system is right, whosever comes up, must fall in line. So, we need to amend the constitution properly in such a way that it will guarantee common prosperity for the common good of the peoples of Nigeria, ensure that the rule of impunity is arrested, see that the fundamental rights of people are guaranteed, ensure there is press freedom and liberty for the courts. Once these things are taken care of, an individual will not be able to manipulate us. In other words, you don't see age as a factor? Well, age is a factor, no doubt, and I believe so. For instance, President Buhari himself admitted that much of his handicap came by reason of his age. So, given our medical system and our environment, the elderly are at disadvantage in Nigeria unlike in the United States where you see 70 years old people still ruling in power because their system functions very well. Life expectancy is higher and the environment is conducive to be able to allow our healthcare system to take care of the ageing people. It is not the same in Nigeria. So, in that regard, I believe age is also important. This particular government brought the idea not-too-young to rule in encouraging younger people to get to power. So, it should stick to its own policy. |
We can help you make critical decisions using our legal framework and valuable experience in legal matters. A one-on-one guidance with our experts will highlight your key issues, common initiatives and help you achieve your mission-critical priorities.
Lagos
Lekki Law Center
'Kogun Chambers, Jesus Arena'
Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa SAN & Co.,
Plot 1, Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa Lane
Itedo/Freedom Way,
Lekki Phase 1,
Lagos, Nigeria.
08033016673, 08033246500, 08100000758
info@adegboruwalaw.com, adegboruwalaw@yahoo.com
Abuja
Abuja Law Center
No. 12 Winston Churchill Street,
Asokoro,
FCT, Abuja,
Nigeria.
08033016673, 08033246500, 08100000759
info@adegboruwalaw.com, adegboruwalaw@yahoo.com
Copyright © All rights reserved | MAIL
